Our friends at Sightline Institute (formerly known as Northwest Environment Watch) have just released their 2006 Cascadia Scorecard Report. Sightline is one of the leading sustainability thinktanks focused on the issues facing Cascadia - the northwestern region comprised of British Columbia, Idaho, Oregon and Washington.
Their annual Scorecard reports on key trends in sustainability-related performance. This year's publication focuses on the connections between urban design and human health, including concerns such as obesity, car accidents, suburban growth, pollution and threats to wildlife.
By permission, we're sharing an excerpt from the report on Worldchanging today. The following is the concluding chapter, which reads as something of a prescription for factoring health into the creation of sustainable places.
A Healthy Place
In the late summer of 1854, physician John Snow, confronted by a rampant cholera epidemic in a London neighborhood, hit upon a remedy that was as remarkable for its simplicity as for its effectiveness: he asked local officials to remove the handle of a public water pump located at the epicenter of the outbreak. In an era when contagion was still poorly understood, Snow was convinced that the water from that pump contained a cholera pathogen. Removing the pump handle, he reasoned,
would be the easiest and fastest way to halt the diseases spread. The officials agreed to act on Snows recommendations, and perhaps half an hour of labor sufficed to save dozens or even hundreds of lives.
This episode has become legendary in the fields of public health and epidemiology, for it embodies two critical insights: first, that preventing disease can be far easier than curing it; and second, that complex problems sometimes have simplethough not necessarily obvioussolutions.
Creating a healthier placewhere people are more satisfied with their lives, less encumbered by illness, and surrounded by thriving natureis undoubtedly more complicated than stopping a neighborhood
cholera outbreak. It involves a gradual realignment of many policies and institutions, both public and private, as well as reformation of deeply ingrained habits and outlooks. But perhaps the most effective
way to approach the task is to identify the simple, often unheralded steps that, like Snows pump handle, employ modest means to achieve far-reaching ends.
The connection between urban design and health is perhaps the best such example...Sprawling, poorly planned development contributes to the Northwests vast appetite for gasoline and diesel fuel. It strains the economy to pay for fuel imports and to build and maintain cars and roads. It entails the gradual paving of both farmland and natural lowland habitats, which frays both terrestrial and aquatic ecosystems. And as the previous chapter shows, sprawl increases driving-related health risks from car crashes, obesity, and vehicle emissions. Finding simple policy changes that promote and nourish complete, compact communitiesthe opposite of poorly planned sprawlcould yield compounding benefits both for Cascadias human inhabitants and for the natural systems that support them.
There is no one single solution to sprawl, but there are a number of modest steps that, taken together, could draw development away from the urban fringe and toward the established and growing city and town centers across the major metropolises of the Northwest. These steps require no new technologies or expensive investments, relying instead on modest alterations to the rules and systems that govern land use and transportation decisions throughout the region.
When building roads, budget for health. As a transportation agency prepares to build a new road, it budgets assiduously for construction costs such as labor, land, and materials. But the increased car crashes and other health costs that result from road building do not appear in the agencys ledgers. These costs are passed along to taxpayers and society at large, whether as higher medical bills, higher taxes to pay for government services, or for those directly harmedlower quality of life. Since these costs are not accounted for at the time that transportation projects are planned, they are invisible to the people most responsible for transportation decisions.
If transportation planners were required to incorporateor simply to investigatecomprehensive health costs when making budgeting decisions, they might well discover that some projects simply do not merit the expense. Road projects, particularly those at the edges of metropolitan areas, might seem cost-effective on their face, but factoring in the extra traffic accidents and obesity-inducing sprawl that follows in the wake of many new roads can make them seem like expensive boondoggles. Also, a comprehensive assessment of the health benefits of pedestrian infrastructure, traffic safety, or transit investments might well find that these are surprisingly cost-effective because of their attendant benefits on health. Simply revealing what is hiddenthe true costs and benefits of transportation projectscan ensure that the region makes wiser and more health-promoting transportation decisions.
Zone for life. After World War IIwhen vehicle ownership was becoming widespreadpublic-health officials raved about the health benefits of leafy suburbs. And rightly so. Soot and industrial fumes
clouded the air in many cities and town centers, and even though traffic congestion was less prevalent then than it is now, automobile exhaust was more hazardous. Escaping to the greener spaces on the urban fringe seemed a healthy choice. Partly as a consequence, zoning rules and related policies encouragedand in some cases even requiredlow-density suburbs, with homes surrounded by
large yards and segregated from stores and workplaces.
Today, however, the tables have turned. Places that are compact enough to foster walking and bikingthe modern (and cleaner) city and town centers once shunned by enlightened plannersnow tend to be healthier places to live than sprawling, low-density suburbs. But our policies have not changed to reflect this reality. Many locales still mandate low-density housing while restricting
infill development and accessory dwelling units (sometimes called granny flats) which can help more people live in the most pedestrian-friendly neighborhoods. Likewise, local land-use rules often require developers to provide overabundant parking, which makes commercial development more expensive while spreading destinations farther apart. And traffic codesalong with the engineering profession itselfstill favor branching street networks that impede short trips to nearby destinations.
Changing zoning and transportation policies is, admittedly, slow work. But as Vancouver, British Columbias smart-growth record shows, government policies that promote higher-density development can, over the long term, be surpassingly effective at channeling growth. Thousands of Cascadians are already working to change how their communities growto lift onerous parking requirements, allow infill development in already developed areas, encourage a mix of stores and services in residential zones, and create development boundaries that help keep growth from spiraling outward into farms and forests. Seattles center city strategy is one example of a policy change that is helping to foster new residences within walking distance of downtown. As more voices speak out about the health benefits of curbing sprawl, this trend is likely to accelerate.
End subsidies that accelerate sprawl. In ways that are both obvious and subtle, tax codes and government spending priorities tilt in favor of low-density development at the urban fringe and against
redevelopment in already established neighborhoods.
For example, developers rarely pay the full cost for the public infrastructureroads, sewer and water lines, schools, police and fire stations, and the likethat services the most sprawling, low-density
development. Even the impact fees that many jurisdictions levy on new housing rarely make up for the expenses of development. Taxpayers and utility rate payers, regardless of where they live, pay the remaining costs. Simply requiring new development to pay its own way, rather than being subsidized by taxpayers, would foster compact neighborhoods and infill development, where infrastructure costs are lower.
In the same vein, vehicle-related feesfuel taxes, license and registration fees, and the likecover only part of the costs of roads, bridges, public parking spaces, and other public expenses of driving. Taxpayers, even those who drive little, pick up the rest of the tab. If drivers had to pay the full costs for owning and operating their automobiles, they would pay more to driveand, as a consequence, they would be less inclined to choose places to live where destinations are far apart and where driving is a necessity for every trip.
These three steps are just a starting point; other examples of public policies that could reduce automobile dependence and promote healthier land-use patterns can be found in previous volumes from Sightline Institute.
Unlike Snows pump-handle solution, the steps we take now to curb sprawl will not take effect overnight. It may take years or even decades for the full benefits of these innovations to materialize. But just as Cascadians radically transformed their urban landscapes in the decades following World War II, they will rebuild much of what now exists over the coming half century. The question is what they will build. If they choose well, they will create cities with vital economies, safe and secure neighborhoods, flourishing communities, and low and diminishing environmental impacts. They will create cities wherewith almost no one noticing at firstthreats from car crashes will abate and opportunities to walk safely will abound. If northwesterners choose well, they will end up with a human habitat worthy of its creators. And they will set an example for the world.
If you would like to read the full report, you can download or order hard copies here.







